Monday 30 January 2012

background of the speech

Inaugural Address on January 20, 1961


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inauguration
"An inauguration is a formal ceremony to mark the beginning of a leader's term of office. An example is the ceremony in which the President of the United States officially takes the oath of office."


http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/american_originals_iv/sections/text_jfk_inaugural_address.html
"Kennedy wrote his thoughts in his nearly indecipherable longhand on a yellow legal pad. The climax of the speech and its most memorable phrase, "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country," was honed down from a thought about sacrifice that Kennedy had long held in his mind and had expressed in various ways in campaign speeches."


The "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country" part of the speech is the most remembered part of the speech which is also even used as the title to the speech, I have therefore decided to use the end section of the speech which contains this quote.


http://www.guardian.co.uk/theguardian/1961/jan/21/greatspeeches1
"The torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans." These words set the tone of President Kennedy's brave and dignified inaugural address. He has already shown himself to be a tough-minded politician. Yesterday he showed that he also possesses the sense of history and of his own place in it, without which creative leadership is impossible. He offered no panaceas, no easy solutions to the problems that lie ahead. He offered only "a long twilight struggle" and the inspiring example of a man dedicating himself to great responsibilities.


Global audience
His address was directed almost as much to the outside world as it was to the American people themselves. This was inevitable and proper. The greatest challenges which President Kennedy faces lie in the field of foreign affairs, and it is by his handling of these that he will be judged. But that was not the only reason for his concern with them. The nation which began its life determined to avoid the entanglements of the Old World has become the leader of a coalition of nations; and its most pressing problems cannot be solved without the co-operation of its allies.
Immediately after the Second World War, when Europe was devastated and bankrupt, only the United States could give leadership - and she had to give it almost alone. That is no longer true, although many Europeans behave as though it were. Now, and for the foreseeable future, her problems are our problems; and it is for us to respond to President Kennedy's call for energy, courage, and responsibility.
Priorities
President Kennedy, as is customary on such occasions, confined himself to generalities. Nevertheless, he made clear what he considers to be the most urgent tasks. The first, and in some respects the most important, is to preserve the cohesion of the Western Alliance. The second is to pursue disarmament and peace. The third is to speed up the economic development of the poor nations and preserve the independence of the uncommitted world. These tasks cannot be approached in isolation. For the problems that lie behind them are inextricably linked. Yet the solutions are not always compatible.
The cohesion of the Alliance cannot be secured without far-reaching reforms. Unless these reforms are accompanied by a change in its military dispositions, and an increased readiness to make reasonable concessions to the Soviet bloc, disarmament and peace cannot be pursued with any success. Unless the Alliance is united, sufficient economic aid will not be forthcoming, for a greater share of the burden will have to be borne by Western Europe.
Yet if the unity of the Alliance is put first, the new Administration may find it hard to pay the price of goodwill in the uncommitted world: there may be times, for example, when it has to choose between offending the Colonial Powers and offending the newly independent former Colonies.
Heir of a revolution
President Kennedy's best hope is to act in the spirit of the passage in his inaugural speech, in which he reminded his listeners that America is the heir of a revolution. This may mean offending conservative politicians in Europe, but it will pay dividends in the uncommitted world. He should throw American weight behind the proposals tentatively put forward by the Labour Party in this country for a reform of NATO. He should secure the withdrawal of nuclear weapons from the front line in Germany and do all he can to persuade the Germans to agree. He should recognise that the present status of West Berlin cannot last for ever. President Kennedy said nothing about domestic politics. But the new Administration also faces critical domestic battles.
The most important, perhaps, lie in the relations between the new Administration and Congress. President Kennedy has a far-reaching programme to enact; and although the men who control Congress belong to his party, he cannot be sure that they will support his programme.
So far the signs are propitious. President Kennedy has shown an excellent grasp of the mechanics of American politics. He seems determined to make sure that key committees are controlled by his supporters; and shows no disposition to forgive those conservative Southerners who failed to give him wholehearted support during the election. Even so, victory will not be easy."

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